As J. Leeds Barroll has pointed out, Swift might well have had access to Kaempfer's work in manuscript form as it circulated among his friends of the Royal Society for more than ten years before the brilliant young translator, J. G. Scheuchzer, succeeded in arranging for its publication. 15
In dedicating "To the King" of England his translation of The History of Japan, Scheuchzer summarizes his impression of Asia's island kingdom in words that reflect the feelings of admiration for Japan, together with an understanding of political systems, that are evident in Swift himself. This work of Kaempfer, Scheuchzer says,
gives an account of a mighty and powerful Empire, which owes its Greatness to itself, and the flourishing Condition it is in, to its being debarr'd all Communication with other Nations: It unfolds the Rules and Maxims of a Government, where the mutual checks, jealousies and mistrusts of Persons invested with Power are thought the most effectual Means to oblige them to a faithful discharge of their respective Duties:. . . It describes a valiant and invincible Nation, a polite, industrious and virtuous People, enrich'd by a mutual Commerce among themselves, and possess'd of a Country, on which Nature hath lavish'd her most valuable Treasures. (History, I, xxi-xxii.)Seldom has any nation been more respectfully saluted by a foreigner; the contrast with most contemporary reports of other lands in travel literature needs no comment. Scheuchzer's ironic interpretations -- of the values of isolation and political "balancing," based on a biblically-realistic view of human nature -- would be agreeable to Dean Swift.
The first sentences of Kaempfer's "Preface," in recounting his escape from chaotic Europe, reflect the tone in Gulliver's several accounts of his "own dear native country": "Germany was as yet engaged in war with the Ottoman Porte and the most Christian King, when the Swedish Embassy, which I had the honour to attend as Secretary, was dismiss'd by the Persian Court. It agreed best with my inclination to undertake a farther journey, and I chose rather to lead the restless and troublesome life of a Traveller, than by coming home to subject myself to a share in that train of calamities my native Country was then involved in" (I, xxix). This is strikingly close to Gulliver's mood at the beginning of the second voyage: "Having been condemned by Nature and Fortune to an active and restless Life; in two Months after my Return (from Lilliput, I again left my native Country, and took Shipping. . . in the Adventure. . . bound for Surat." (GT, 83).
Kaempfer's view of the social values of Japan voices the "Tory protest" against commercialism, and the tone seems so near Swift's that one could almost believe the German-speaking translator (learning to write English like Conrad later) had made Swift's style his model:
The ]apanese, a prudent and valiant nation. . . their pride and warlike humour being set aside. . . are as civil, as polite and curious a nation as any in the world, naturally inclined to commerce and familiarity with foreigners, and desirous, to excess, to be informed of their his tories, arts and sciences. But as we are only merchants, whom they place in the lowest class of mankind. . . there is no other way to gain their friendship, and to win them over to our interest, but a willingness to comply with their desire, a liberality to please their avaricious inclinations, and a submissive conduct to flatter their vanity. `Twas by these means I work'd myself into such a friendship and familiarity with our interpreters, and the officers of our island, who daily come over to us, as I believe none before me could boast of, ever since we have been put under such narrow regulations. Liberally assisting them, as I did, with my advice and medicines, with what information I was able to give them in Astronomy and Mathematicks, and with a cordial and plentiful supply of European liquors, I could also, in my turn, freely put to them what questions I pleased, about the affairs of their Country, whether relating to the government in Civil or Ecclesiastical affairs, to the customs of the natives, to the natural and political history, and there was none that ever refused to give me all the information he could, even when we were alone, in such things, which they are otherwise strictly charged to keep secret. (History, I, xxxi-xxxii)
This is of course almost precisely the stance which Gulliver strikes in all his dealings with "foreign leaders"; though his nation is cut off from them, he makes himself the flattering friend of mighty rulers, whom he advises and instructs on European affairs. There is also unintended irony here, in Kaempfer's candid admission of the ways in which he was willing to bribe and corrupt the people of this near-perfect country. Explaining his cunning ways to "please their avaricious inclinations, and. . . flatter their vanity" is the kind of ingenu undercutting that would surely delight Swift, for it is just the attitude he creates for Gulliver in the Travels: the silly self-contradicting nature of his assumptions of superiority, unseen only by himself.
In the same tone as that of the introductory essays, two appendices dwell on the advantages of Japan's steps to deliberate isolation from the Western world (with the exception of the Protestant Dutch) in the seventeenth century, not long before Kaempfer's short and restricted sojourn there. Lilliput (cum Blefuscu), Brobdingnag, and "the Country of the Houyhnhnms" -not to mention the still stranger lands of Part III of Travels-are exactly such "isolated nations," with no desire for relationships beyond their borders. Kaempfer carefully cites all the philosophical arguments opposing such isolation at the outset of "Appendix VI": arguments on the given unity of God's "Acts in Creation," the character of natural transcendence of human boundaries ("storks and swallows" go freely into every country), and all the other social and theological reasons for a genuine internationalism. But then Kaempfer begs "leave as freely to declare" that history persuades him it would be better for all lands to live in such splendid isolation as Japan does if they possibly could. His line of argument, set against idealistic thoughts of the "Age of Reason," would have intrigued Swift:
Such is the perversity of human nature, that whenever we are become one body, one kingdom, or common-wealth, where one and the same language is spoken, we are naturally inclined to hate our neigh bours, who speak another language, and to envy their state and con dition . . . . The greatest and most powerful republicks are so far from being supported by the joint strength of many nations, acknow ledging their supremacy, that an excess of power proves rather their ruin, and the several dominions of their dependency become so many separate Governments, which always bear a secret and cover'd hatred one towards another. Happy would have been the condition of men, if nature had so bless'd each Country with all the necessaries of life, that the inhabitants fully satisfied with their situation, should have no reason to entertain any thoughts of invading the rights and properties of others. . . . The Japanese, . . . confined within the limits of their Empire enjoy the blessings of peace and contentedness, and do not care for any commerce, or communication with foreign nations, be cause such is the happy state of their Country, that it can subsist without it. (History, III, 303-4)
Arguing that every nation chooses to relate to others only for its own interests -- "It cannot be denied, but that we are desirous of communication and commerce with foreign Countries, merely because from thence we fetch the necessaries of life, or because they supply us with those things, which contribute to make it agreeable, pleasing and commodious, and to keep up luxury and magnificence" -- Kaempfer writes over 20 folio pages on the wonderful state of Japan which can "subsist without the produce and manufactures of foreign Countries" and can therefore "be kept also from their vices, from covetousness, deceits, wars, treachery, and the like" (History, III, 304-5).
As part of his paeans of praise for the Japanese people, this "Dutch Surgeon'' analyzes their character as unusually ``energetic'' and invincible" and notes that they had never been defeated. Basic to the superior character of these people is their ability to dispense with the follies of "philosophy," a view that Swift upholds throughout the Travels: "The Japanese indeed are not so far enemies to this Science, as to banish. . . those who cultivate it, but they think it an amusement proper for monasteries, where the monks leading an idle lazy life, have little else to trouble their heads about" (History, III, 317). And in direct contrast with the foolish Laputans who are preoccupied with Music and Mathematics, Kaempfer writes that the Japanese "are wholly ignorant of musick, so far as it is a science built upon certain precepts of harmony. They likewise know nothing of mathematicks, more especially of its deeper and speculative parts" (History, III, 317). Kaempfer was inaccurate; still these were not outlandish observations. However, Swift could not know that! The other point is that Gulliver-like cultural provincialism appears here too.
Equally congenial to Swift (GT, 248-50) is Kaempfer's interpretation of Law in Japan which a later day can only envy:
Some will observe, that the Japanese are wanting a competent knowledge of the Law. I could heartily wish for my own part, that we Europeans knew as little of it as they, since there is such an abuse made of a Science, highly useful in itself, that innocence, instead of being relieved, is often still more oppressed. There is a much shorter way to obtain justice in Japan. . . . No necessity of being at Law for many years together, no occasion of so many writings, answers, briefs, and the like. The case is without delay laid before the proper Court of Judicature, the parties heard, the witnesses examined, the circumstances consider'd, and judgment given, without loss of time. . . And although it cannot be denied, but that this short way of proceeding is liable to some errors. . . yet I dare affirm, that in the main it would be found abundantly less detrimental to the parties concerned, than the tedious and expensive Law-suits in Europe (History, III, 319).
Up to this point, we have noted some parallels of Gulliver themes as they appear in prefaces, introductions, and appendices to Kaempfer's History. The advantages of an isolated island are stressed and the people are characterized. If some of the moods of Swift himself, together with manyattitudes satirized in Gulliver, are suggested by these editorial comments around the text of the History, a much greater overlapping is to be found in the History's text itself, when compared with the Travels. Even the title page (see Plate 1) suggests itself as a foil for Swift's satire. As promised by Kaempfer's extended title, his History does in fact give an abundance of data and splendid illustrations of the natural life, as well as minute descriptions of the buildings and the people and places of Japan.
In this respect, the book seems to be what Gulliver had in mind in rejecting any encduragement to do his own "Book of Travels," as we recall in his superior retort to the suggestion that he "make publick" his unusual journeys by writing. He condescends to the Captain who had rescued him at the end of his sojourn in Brobdingnag, and had recommended, on hearing of the adventures there, that Gulliver "oblige the World by putting (the story) in Paper": "My Answer was, that I thought we were already overstocked with Books of Travels: That nothing could now pass which was not extraordinary; wherein I doubted, some Authors less consulted Truth than their own Vanity or Interest, or the Diversion of ignorant Readers. That my Story could contain little besides common Events, without those ornamental Descriptions of strange Plants, Trees, Birds, and other Animals; or the barbarous Customs and Idolatry of savage People, with which most Writers abound" (GT, 147). Again here, behind fine irony there may be history. As Kaempfer's title page promised, his pioneer History abounded with descriptions of strange "Trees, Plants, Animals, Birds and Fishes," and the repetition and inversion of these terms in Swift's depreciatory rearrangement is fascinating.
Describing what is now Hokkaido, Kaempfer discusses the Yahoo-like inhabitants of "the Island of Jeso." "According to the account the Japanese give of the Inhabitants, they are a strong, but savage, People, wearing long Hair and Beards" (History, I, 108). Noted elsewhere as "a stubborn and tumultous People," it is no wonder that the Japanese ruler finally brought them to heel. The Japanese ruler "sent over a good Army with three hundred Horse" (!) and overwhelmed them (History, I, 106). These are Yahoo-types and they make the sharpest possible contrast with the super-sanitary Japanese, who "describe them further, as very dirty and nasty, but the truth of this accusation is not so strictly to be relied on, since they, the Japanese themselves, are so extreamly nice and superstitious in frequently washing and cleaning their Bodies, as to have found the very same fault with the Dutch" (History, I, 108). This resembles Part IV of Swift's Travels, in other ways besides the horse troops conquering the Yahoo-types. Coming back from the land of the Houyhnhnms, Gulliver cannot abide the smell of the kind Portuguese Captain who saved his life: "I was ready to faint at the very Smell of him and his Men" (GT, 286). He has a worse time on his arrival in England: "During the first Year I could not endure my Wife or Children in my Presence, the very Smell of them was intolerable" (GT, 289).
Islands surrounding Japan proper furnish materials that Swift parallels -- though transformed as always -- for the Travels:
The Japanese having some Centuries ago accidentally discover'd the Island Genkaisima, situate to the North of Japan, found it inhabited, as their Histories relate, by Oni, that is, Black Devils, which they prosecuted with War, and having purg'd the Island from this Vermin, as they call it, they peopled it with a Colony of their own. . . . As to the Japanese calling them Devils, we need not in the least wonder at it, considering. . . the natural pride of the Japanese Nation, which so far despises all other Countries, as to call them Umakokf, that is, the Countries of Devils. . . . The high Hats, which were found among the Household-goods of these Blacks, must have been brought out of Europe, they having never been fabricated any where else. It was an ancient custom of most Eastern Princes. . . to present their prime ministers of state, and chief favourites with such hats, as tokens of their particular favour, and they alone had the privilege of wearing them, as singular badges of honour (History, I, 147-8).
From this it seems no great step to the "fine silken Threads. . . Girdles" or the "high and low Heels" which similarly distinguish ranks and parties in Lilliput (GT, 39, 48). It is striking to note that in Swift's text here the "Names of Tramecksan, and Slamecksan" employ the suffix "san" that is used in Japanese for "persons" -- as all "travelers to Japan" observed.
A more important "island neighbour" points for us to Lilliput on the succeeding pages of Kaempfer: "If we believe the Japanese, there is another unknown nation, and very different from theirs, as to their customs, shape and language, which inhabits the Island Kubitesima, one of the most Northern Islands belonging to Japan. They describe them as Pygmies, and from thence call the whole Island the Pygmey-Island. What extraction they be of, and how they came to inhabit this Island, I will leave to themselves (and, we would add, Jonathan Swift) to determine" (History, I, 150-1).
At this point Kaempfer notes the differences between the Japanese people themselves according to areas, suggesting that immigrations have brought variations, some being of "a very ugly appearance," others "somewhat more majestick in their shape and countenance, being (the provincial ingenu again !J more like the Europeans." The most marked feature of the people is that they are generally "short siz'd," so that throughout the book-like Will Adams before him-Kaempfer in Japan is himself a bit like Gulliver in Lilliput (History, I, 151).
Kaempfer's characteristic exhaustiveness goes so far as to treat even imaginary, legendary animals of Japan before he takes up animals which really exist in this island empire. Of special interest among those imaginary beasts is the Kirin-a chimerical animal of Chinese legends. Kirin to the modern Japanese means giraffe, but originally it was, Kaempfer tells us,
a winged Quadruped, of incredible swiftness, with two soft horns standing before the breast, and bent backwards, with the body of a Horse, and claws of a Deer, and a head which comes nearest to that of a Dragon. The good nature and holiness of this Animal are so great, that they say, it takes special care, even in walking, not to trample over any the least Plant, nor to injure any the most incon siderable Worm, or Insect, that might by chance come under its feet. Its conception and birth require a particular constellation in Heaven, and the birth of a Sesin (i. e. sage) upon earth (History, I, 190; italics added).
Actually, in Japanese lore, the legend says that a Kirin appears before a sage like Confucius or Mencius is born; Ki is male and Rin female in Japanese, so the Kirin is really a superior Tiresias-type figure. Kaempfer gives two types of Kirin for illustration, as represented by Chinese and Japanese. Its horselike figure, combined with its marks of supreme intelligence, refinement, and benevolence, might present the best model yet discovered for the creation of the Houyhnhnms.
When the surgeon-historian describes the structure and customs of the court of the "Ecclesiastical Emperor," whose heredity runs back to the great Sun Goddess, the narrative creates the mood and even gives particular details suggestive of the courts of Gulliver's Travels:
The Persons of this Ecclesiastical Court, among other marks of distinction, are clad after a particular fashion, peculiar to themselves, and widely differing from the habits of secular Persons, whom they scorn and despise, as being of a mean, unholy extraction. There is so much difference even among themselves, as to their habits, that thereby alone it is easily known what rank they are of, or what employment they have at Court. . . . Some have a broad band of black Crape, or Silk stitch'd to their caps, which is either tied up, or hangs down behind their shoulders. Others have a sort of a Lap, made after the fashion of a Fan, standing out before their Eyes. Some wear a sort of Scarf, or a broad Band, which hangs down forwards from their shoulders. The length of this Scarf is again different, according to every one's quality, or dignity, for it is the custom of this Court, that no body bows down lower, but to reach the floor with the end of this Scarf. (History, I, 266)
Here again the atmosphere of Lilliput's silken-ribbons prevails. But sometimes this atmosphere is even more like that of Laputa, for "Studies and learning are the chief amusement of this Ecclesiastical Court. Not only the. . . courtiers, but even many of the fair Sex have acquir'd great reputation by their Poetical, Historical and other Writings" (History, I, 266). Contrary to the generalization of his Appendix that Japanese "are wholly ignorant of musick" (see above), in this court scene so like Laputan life, Kaempfer says of the nobility: "They are great lovers of Musick, particularly the Women play with great dexterity upon all sorts of Musical Instruments" (History, I, 267).
Several chapters of Kaempfer's Book II are given to the genealogy and history "of the Japanese Monarchy," and the summaries presented, such as
[Dai XXXIV.] SUIKO, or Syko, the Emperor Kimme's second Daughter, and the Emperor Fitatz his Relict, succeeded Siusiun on the throne, in the year of Synmu 1253, of Christ 593.
. . . In the twenty-first year of her reign, Darma is said to have appear'd to Sotoktais, in the Province Jamatta, on the mountain Katta Joka; and `tis added, that they made verses extempore, one upon another. (History, I, 289-90)
supply exactly the form Swift imitated in the first sentence of his little-known work of 1728, An Account of the Court and Empire of Japan: "REGOGE was the thirty-fourth Emperor of Japan, and began his reign in the year 341 of the Christian aera, succeeding to Nena, a Princess who governed with great felicity. "16 This remarkable resemblance alone would seem to argue conclusively for Swift's close acquaintance with Kaempfer's text.
Among Kaempfer's notes of marvelous events-"In the sixty-eighth year of [SIUSIN's] reign two Moons were seen in the East. . . . In the thirty-sixth year of [SYNIN's] reign it rain'd Stars from Heaven in Japan" (History, I, 280) -- there is one entry that mentions an "extraordinary swift Horse. . . brought over from the Indies into Japan. He could run a thousand miles a day" (History, I, 280). The context of this reference is important, for it brings to a close the chapter relating Japan's history to that of the Coming of Christ, an event which Kaempfer everywhere regards as the central event of world history. This almost gratuitous insertion of Christian history, however, comes only after another reference to Houyhnhnm-style history:
In the ninety-fifth year of (SYNIN's] reign, Bupo, otherwise call'd Kobotus, came over from the Indies into Japan, and brought over with him, on a white Horse, the Kio or Book of his Religion and Doctrine. A temple was afterwards erected to him, which is still call'd Fakubasi, or the Temple of the White Horse (p.280).
This story comes from the earliest period of Japanese history. Later, writing of the seventeenth century, Kaempfer gives in terse summary the story of the persecution and massacre of Roman Catholics, but he makes no mention here that the Dutch had supplied cannons to put down the Catholic movement, though he gives detailed treatment later (History, II, 172 and 218) in terms that would register strongly with Swift. The Dutch clearly used the occasion of the final assault on the "Christian city" of Shimabara to win political and commercial favors over the Spanish and Portuguese by helping to exterminate the Christians. Kaempfer, at this point of the historical summary, tells the story in a baldly objective way: "The beginning of that famous rebellion of the Christians at Simabara, in the Province Fisen, falls upon the eleventh month of the eighth year, being the year of Christ 1637. In the ninth year, in the second month, on the 12th of April 1638, 37000 Christians were put to death on one day. This act of cruelty at once put an end to the rebellion, and a finishing stroke to the total abolition of the Christian Religion in Japan" (History, I, 328).il
Vital to Swift's masterpiece are Kaempfer's two references to "the trampling over the Images of our blessed Saviour. . . on the cross," since this was exactly what concerned Gulliver most during his short stay in Japan. Kaempfer gives details on this subject. With regard to the "trampling upon the Crucifix" (GT, 216), Kaempfer actually gives conflicting reports in his two references which Swift seems to combine. In one place it is suggested that this ceremony is performed "in every family" in the country:
. . . a Court of Enquiry was establish'd by special command of the Emperor, in all the cities and villages throughout the Empire. The business of this court is to enquire what religion, belief or sect, each family, or its individual members belong to. This Enquiry is made once every year, tho' not at a certain determined time, but commonly some days, or weeks, after the trampling over the Images of our blessed Saviour, and the Virgin Mary, hath been perform'd in every family, as a convincing proof of their abhorrence to the Christian Religion. (History, I, 330; italics added)
Later Kaempfer writes that "This inquisition is perform'd only at Nagasaki, in the district of Omura and the Province of Bungo, where formerly the Christian Religion had got the strongest footing" (History, II, 122) -- the interpretation we shall find Swift used, and actually the true situation. Historical study shows that the second view of Kaempfer is correct, and that all foreigners who landed on Japan's soil -- stranded as well as voluntarily visiting -- were obliged to undergo this "inquisition." Therefore, Gulliver, who arrived from Luggnagg in 1709, was under strict obligation to perform this ritual, like all the Dutchmen who had come to Nagasaki. Here is Kaempfer's accurate description: "the Jefumi. . . is, in the strictest sense, the figure-treading, because they trample over the Image of our Blessed Saviour extended on the cross, and that of his holy Mother, or some other Saint, as a convincing and unquestionable proof, that they for ever renounce Christ and his Religion. . . . The Images are about a foot long, cast in brass, and kept in a particular box made for this purpose" (Histort, II, 121).
Gulliver's experience is tied firmly into history in this case; when he is interviewed by the "Emperor" on his arrival, he makes this matter his chief concern, so he obviously has read or heard of this before.
. . . I was admitted to an Audience, and delivered my Letter; which was opened with great Ceremony, and explained to the Emperor by an Interpreter, who gave me Notice of his Majesty's Order, that I should signify my Request; and whatever it were, it should be granted for the sake of his Royal Brother of Luggnagg. This In terpreter was a Person employed to transact Affairs with the Hollanders: He soon conjectured by my Countenance that I was an European, and therefore repeated his Majesty's Commands in Low- Dutch, which he spoke perfectly well. I answered, (as I had before determined) that I was a Dutch Merchant, shipwrecked in a very remote Country, from whence I travelled by Sea and Land to Luggnagg, and then took Shipping for Japan, where I knew my Countrymen often traded, and with some of these I hoped to get an Opportunity of returning into Europe:I therefore most humbly entreated his Royal Favour to give Order, that I should be con ducted in Safety to Nangasac. To this I added another Petition, that for the sake of my Patron the King of Luggnagg, his Majesty would condescend to excuse my performing the Ceremony imposed on my Countrymen, of trampling upon the Crucifix; because I had been thrown into his Kingdom by my Misfortunes, without any Intention of trading. When this latter Petition was interpreted to the Emperor, he seemed a little surprised; and said, he believed I was the first of my Countrymen who ever made any Scruple in this Point; and that he began to doubt whether I were a real Hollander or no; but rather suspected I must be a CHRISTIAN. (GT, 216)
This tour de force seems too close to another account in Kaempfer to be mere coincidence, though Swift's satire turns the "Dutch Surgeon's" defense upside down. Kaempfer says,
I cannot forbear taking notice in this place of an aspersion which hath been falsly thrown upon the Dutch by some Authors, viz. That having been ask'd by the Japanese Government, whether they were Christians? they answer'd, No, not Christians, but Dutchmen. This I particularly and with great Impartiality enquir'd into, but could not meet with any thing of this nature in the Journals, and other writings belonging to our factory at Nagasaki, which have been kept and preserv'd ever since our first arrival in this country. But besides, our above-mention'd chief Interpreter, who certainly, had there been any such thing, had no reason to conceal the truth, frequently assur'd me to the contrary, and told me, in answer to the like questions, that they constantly, and very much to their own disadvantage, profess'd themselves to be Christians, but not addicted to the sect of the Portuguese Priests. What probably gave birth to this rumour, was the answer of one Michael Sandvoort, a Dutchman, who being stranded upon the coasts of Japan, settled afterwards, with a countryman of his, at Nagasaki, amongst the natives and independant of the Dutch. Upon the establishment of the Japanese Inquisition, this man being ask'd, whether or no he was a christian, he answer'd, to save his and his companion's life, what Christians, Christians, we are Dutchmen; which confession the Inquisitors were then seemingly satisfy'd with. (History, II, 221)
Gulliver, we should recall, twice has the experience of indirectly confessing himself to be a Christian to the Japanese. He doubles his thrust against the Dutch by ironically showing they are willing to "cut my Throat . . . (becausej I had not yet trampled on the Crucifix" (GT, 217). But then Gulliver, who would not conceal his Christianity from the Japanese, very cunningly conceals his integrity on this point from the Dutch "after which I was no more troubled with such Questions." He joins them as a fellow countryman and "Surgeon" who, like Kaempfer, had studied at Leyden!
Another touch of Swiftian wit concerns Japan's standards of justice. Kaempfer reports that "No crimes are punish'd in Japan by fines, or pecuniary mulcts; for in this case, they say, if punishments could be bought off with money, it would be in the power of the rich to commit what crimes they please, a thing in their opinion, and in its very nature, absurd and inconsistent with reason and justice" (History, II, 114). "They admit of none but temporal rewards, or punishments, and only such, as are the necessary consequences of the practice of virtue or vice" (History, II, 67). Gulliver, in Lilliput, encounters a land whose practice of justice closely conforms to that of the Japan which Kaempfer describes. As Gulliver presents the Lilliput system, it is not hard to see Japan in the background: "ALTHOUGH we usually call Reward and Punishment, the two Hinges upon which all Government turns; yet I could never observe this Maxim to be put in Practice by any Nation, except that of Lilliput. . . . And these People thought it a prodigious Defect of Policy among us, when I told them that our Laws were enforced only;by Penalties, without any Mention of Reward" (GT, 59). Gulliver then illustrates the principle of "temporal rewards" in the same manner Kaempfer does.
The sentence quoted above from Kaempfer is followed by words even more directly relevant for Swift's attack on "Reason" (the very crux of Part IV of the Travels): "They say, that we are oblig'd to be virtuous, because nature hath endow'd us with reason, on purpose, that living according to the dictates of reason, we should shew our difference, and superiority over irrational brutes" (History, II, 67). However, care is taken in Japan, as Kaempfer shows, to keep this "reason" under the check of another authority. "The Sintos Religion" teaches
a more powerful ruler within their hearts, natural reason, which here exerts it self with full force, and is of itself capable enough to restrain from indulging their vices, and to win over to the dominion of virtue, all those, that will but hearken to its dictates. But besides, the civil magistrates have taken sufficient care to supply what is wanting on this head; for, by their authority, there are very severe laws now in force against all sorts of crimes and misdemeanors. And certainly the Japanese Nation, consider'd in the main, makes it evident, that the dictates of natural reason, and the laws of civil magistrates, are sure guides enough. . . (History, II, 16-17, our italics)
Basic in Japanese morality is the sense of obligation or gratitude to ancestors and superiors, as Kaempfer points out in many places (e.g. II, 4), and one of the greatest sins is "ungratefulness." Gulliver reports the same thing in Lilliput: "INGRATITUDE is among them a capital Crime, as we read it to have been in some other Countries: (!) For they reason thus; that whoever makes ill Returns to his Benefactor, must needs be a common Enemy to the rest of Mankind, from whom he hath received no Obligation; and therefore such a Man is not fit to live" (GT, 60). As Gulliver had noted before this entry, "THERE are some Laws and Cusyoms in this Empire very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to those of my own dear Country, I should be tempted to say a little in their Justification" (GT, 58).
Another significant parallel relates to the nine "Articles," drawn up to govern Gulliver's life in Lilliput, which begin rather strangely: "FIRST, The Man-Mountain shall not depart from our Dominions" (GT, 43). Kaempfer records the "Imperial Proclamation" of 1637 which eventually shut off Japan from all contact with the outside world; this nine-paragraph text begins with a similar article: "No Japanese ship, or boat whatever, nor any native of Japan, shall presume to go out of the country" (History, II, 164).
Related to the trade war among Europeans, there are references in Kaempfer to the Dutch operations at Tonquin -- and the spelling of this place name, which varies widely in travel reports of the time, is precisely the same as in Travels (GT, 154), a remarkable coincidence if not a direct mark of borrowing. As in Purchas so in Kaempfer we find elaborate descriptions of cities: Osacca (modern "Osaka": III, 1-12), Jedo (III, 73-79; this city as de facto capital), and especially Miaco (today's Kyoto: III, 16-25; 157-60) -- where the Emperor of the unbroken tradition dating back to the Sun Goddess resided -- a city of perfectly planned streets and buildings after the Chinese model, as indicated in a map opposite the description.
Compared with the rambling, "unplanned" form of most great cities East and West, Miaco is shown to be almost square in shape, with all streets straight and running through the "four quarters" in a perfectly rectangular design with the "castle" at the center. When we compare Mildendo, "the Metropolis of Lilliput," as described by Gulliver, we see striking similarities in all but the respective sizes: "The City is an exact Square, each Side of the Wall being five Hundred Foot long. The two great Streets which run cross and divide it into four Quarters, are five Foot wide. . . . The Town is capable of holding five Hundred Thousand Souls. . . . The Emperor's Palace is in the Center of the City, where the two great Streets meet" (GT, 46). Kaempfer's count of the Miaco population coincides with Swift's Mildendo: "52169 Ecclesiasticks and 477557 Laymen," making Kyoto (and Mildendo) more than twice the size of London at that time.
As in Lilliput, so in Japan on the arrival of the first Westerner, there are no guns, clocks, watches, or glass products. Just across the page from the "Miaco map" in the History is one of many references to Japanese interest in the kind of things Gulliver was constantly demonstrating in his Travels. Visiting the "Governor (of Osacca) . . . we were desir'd to stay a little while longer, that the ladies, who were in a neighbouring room behind a paper-skreen pierc'd with holes, might have an opportunity of contemplating us, and our foreign dress. To this effect, our Resident was desir'd to shew them his hat, sword, watch, and several other things he had about him, as also to take off his cloak, that they might have a full view of his dress, both before his breast and upon his back" (History, III, 18-19).
When we turn from the similarities of Kaempler's Japan and the countries Gulliver visited -- from the general contours of their communities and their customs -- to a listing of parallels in the experience of Kaempfer's personal history and Swift's Gulliver, even more interesting relationships arise. Barroll, as we noted above, has already called attention to three or four "common elements" including their patterns of travel and arrival at court. Whereas Kaempfer watches the Resident, or chief of his diplomatic mission, crawling on hands and knees and bowing "his forehead quite down to the ground" before the Emperor (History, III, 87-88), Swift has Gulliver himself bowing thus to the great Lord of Luggnagg, when he visits this land, "endeavouring to get to Japan" (GT, 203): "This is the Court Style, and I found it to be more than Matter of Form: For upon my Admittance two Days after my Arrival, I was commanded to crawl upon my Belly, and lick the Floor as I advanced; but on account of my being a Stranger, Care was taken to have it so clean that the Dust was not offensive" (GT, 204).
In one of his typical, delightful "Digressions," Swift here once again takes occasion to embroider the details which are in substance historically accurate: "However (he adds), this was a peculiar Grace, not allowed to any but Persons of the highest Rank, when they desire an Admittance [Swift's deliberate change from Kaempfer's "Audience"]; Nay, sometimes the Floor is strewed with Dust on purpose, when the Person to be admitted happens to have powerful Enemies at Court: And I have seen a great Lord with his Mouth so crammed, that when he had crept to the proper Distance from the Throne, he was not able to speak a Word" (GT, 204-05).
Barroll, in his study, did not mention that this "Court Style" is described at several other points in the History. Soon after beginning his journey to Court, Kaempfer observed how "in this country inferiors shew their deference and respect to their superiors. . . . He draws near in a creeping posture, kneeling, holding his hands down to the floor, and . . . bows down his forehead almost quite to the ground, in token of submission and gratitude, uttering with a deep voice the word, ah, ah, ah!" (History, II, 356), an exclamation that Swift embellishes greatly for Gulliver:
. . . when I had crept within four Yards of the Throne, I raised my self gently upon my Knees, and then striking my Forehead seven Times against the Ground [In An Account of the Court and Empire of Japan, Swift has Lelop-Aw (Walpole) strike his forehead "thrice against the table, as the custom is in Japan," op. cit., p.107], I pronounced the following Words, as they had been taught me the Night before, Ichpling Cloffthrobb Squutserumm blhiop Mlashnalt Zwin tnodbalkguffh Slhiophad Curdlubh Asht. This is the Compliment established by the Laws of the Land for all Persons admitted to the King's Presence. It may be rendered into English thus:May your coelestial Majesty out-live the Sun, eleven Aloons and an half. To this the King returned some Answer, which although I could not understand, yet I replied as I had been directed; Fluft drin Yalerick Dwuldum prastrad mirplush, which properly signifies, My Tongue is in the Mouth of my Friend; and by this Expression was meant that I desired leave to bring my Interpreter; whereupon the young Man already mentioned was accordingly introduced; by whose Intervention I answered as many Questions as his Majesty could put in above an Hour. (GT, 205-06)
ln other visits with the great lords of the lands in which he travels, Gulliver has similar interviews with them on a pattern which likewise recurs frequently in Kaempfer. The latter generalizes -- patronizingly, like Gulliver -- at one point: "I must own, that in the visits we made or receiv'd in our journey, we found ["the civility of the whole nation in general"] to be greater than could be possibly expected from the most civiliz'd nation. The behaviour of the Japanese, from the meanest countryman up to the greatest Prince or Lord, is such that the whole Empire might be call'd a School of Civility and good manners" (History, II, 357) -- a condition Gulliver seems to have found at last in Houyhnhnmland.
At many points in Kaempfer's personal travels (and, in fact, in other historical trips recorded in Purchas), we find references to the Japanese emphasis upon the importance of letters of introduction in making the first contact with dignitaries. Hence it is true to tradition-and another sign of Swift's dependence upon the histories of Japan-that Gulliver should request and receive such credentials when he leaves Luggnagg to visit Japan. Since "THERE is indeed a perpetual Commerce between this Kingdom and the great Empire of Japan; . . . His Majesty. . . was pleased to give me his Licence to depart; and honoured me with a Letter of Recommendation under his own Hand to the Emperor of Japan" (GT, 215).
Some other personal adventures of Doctor Kaempfer on his visit to Jedo with the small Dutch business mission in 1691 are paralleled by Gulliver in Brobdingnag. In Kaempfer's audience with the great ruler, the Fifth Shogun Tsunayoshi, he is made to join his party in performing a series of acts to entertain the company with demeaning "tricks": "The Emperor. . . order'd us to take off our Cappa, or Cloak, being our Garment of Ceremony, then to stand upright, that he might have a full view of us; again to walk, to stand still, to compliment each other, to dance, to jump, to play the drunkard, to speak broken Japanese, to read Dutch, to sing, to put our cloaks on and off. . . In this manner, and with innumerable such other apish tricks, we must suffer ourselves to contribute to the Emperor's and the Court's diversion" (History, III, 93-94; italics ours).
Gulliver endures the same indignities -- and the word "diversion" recurs several times -- in the land of the giants. When his master wished to entertain his company, "I was immediately produced, and placed upon a Table; where I walked as I was commanded, drew my Hanger, put it up again, made my Reverence to my Master's Guest, asked him in his own Language how he did, and told him he was welcome" (GT, 96). Very soon, of course, he is being exploited in exhibitions as a "Splacnuck. . .resembling an human Creature [who] could speak several Words, and perform an Hundred diverting Tricks" (GT, 97). The "diverting Tricks" for Kaempfer's "apish tricks" seems to be a verbal echo, but the whole of the Brobdingnag account may be seen as an expansion of the "apish" suggestion in its development of animal imagery.
The engraving Kaempfer had made in great detail (Plate II) would have stirred Swift when he saw it, for it suggests precisely the kind of exhibitionist that Gulliver was to become, when later in the Brobdingnag sojourn he comes to pride himself on his little acts. "For, those who had seen me, made such wonderful Reports, that the People were ready to break down the Doors to come in" (GT, 98). Similarly, Kaempfer -- having complained about being "used" in his first trip to the Emperor's court -- turns the occasion of his second visit into an opportunity to show off because, like Gulliver (GT, 97), he considered himself "to be a perfect Stranger in the Country." Going to great lengths to record his contributions to the Dutch group's "Second Journey to Court," Kaempfer seems to be an early mask of the ingénu Gulliver:
The Emperor and two Ladies sat behind the grated skreens on our right, and Bingosama, President of the council of state opposite to us in a room by himself. Soon after we came in, and had after the usual obeysances seated our selves on the place assign'd us, Bingosama welcom'd us in the Emperor's name, and then desir'd us to sit upright, to take off our cloaks, to tell him our names and age, to stand up, to walk, to turn about, to dance, to sing songs, to compliment one another, to be angry, to invite one another to dinner, to converse one with another, to discourse in a familiar way like father and son, to shew how two friends, or man and wife, compliment or take leave of one another, to play with children, to carry them about upon our arms, and to do many more things of the like nature. Moreover we were ask'd many questions serious and comical; as for instance, what profession I was of, whether I ever cur'd any considerable distempers, to which 1 answer'd, yes, I had, but not at Nagasaki, where we were kept no better than pri soners? what houses we had? whether our customs were different from theirs? how we buried our people, and when? to which was answer'd that we bury'd them always in the day time. . . . Then again we were commanded to read, and to dance, separately and jointly, and I to tell them the names of some European plaisters, upon which I mention'd some of the hardest I could remember. . . . Then they made us kiss one another, like man and wife, which the ladies particularly shew'd by their laughter to be well pleas'd with. They desir'd us further to shew them what sorts of compliments it was customary in Europe to make to inferiors, to ladies, to superiors, to princes, to Kings. After this they begg'd another song of me, and were satisfy'd with two, which the com pany seem'd to like very well. After this farce was over, we were order'd to take off our cloaks, to come near the skreen one by one, and to take our leave in the very same manner we would take it of a Prince, or King in Europe, which being done, seemingly to their satisfaction, we went away. (History, III, 167-68)
ln Brobdingnag Gulliver, acting and reacting in the same way, "made a shift to play a Jigg to the great Satisfaction of both their Majesties" (GT, 127). Within two days, Kaempfer and friends are back at the Court for a repeat performance, and this time the good Gulliver-like Doctor really shows a penchant for dressing up his performances, going far beyond the earlier offering of two songs when asked to "sing another." Having taken a fancy to striking poses and spoofing his audiences in this situation, the "Dutch Surgeon" proceeds (for another half page) to describe how he handled two of the Shogun Tsunayoshi's surgeons who were brought in to discuss medical problems with him: "both shav'd, and clad like Priests, one of them was quite blind on one eye, the other look'd but little better; otherwise they seem'd to be in pretty good health" (History, III, 175). Though he affects a courteous stance, it is clear that, like Gulliver, he cannot conceal his attitude of superiority when reporting the affair to his readers:
Hearing that they were the Emperor's surgeons, I gave them the precedency, and let them feel my pulse first, then I feel'd theirs, and judg'd them both to be in good health, the first rather of a cold constitution, and wanting sometimes a dram of brandy to raise his spirits and to quicken the motion of his blood; the second of a hotter temper, and much troubled with headach, which I could very easily perceive by his countenance. Upon this they enter'd into a discourse with me upon physical matters, and the first ask'd me, whether or no imposthumes were dangerous, at what time and in what distempers we order'd people to be let blood. He also af fected to have some knowledge of our European plaisters, and mentioning the names of some which however he could not well pronounce, I set him to right in broken Japanese. This our jargon being half latin and half japanese, sounded so odly, that the Emperor ask'd what language it was, the Dutchman spoke in, upon which he was answer'd, it was a broken Japanese. This farce being also over, a table was brought in with chop sticks of wood for each of us. (History, III, 175)
The end of the episode also has the touch of pride that is so often evident in Gulliver: " . . . we took our leave of them, amidst the compliments and loud acciamations of the courtiers, for so favourable a reception as we had met with from his Imperial Majesty, being much beyond what ever they remember'd any body could boast of" (History, III, 176). Immediately after this triumph they are entertained by a lord he calls the "Governor of Jedo" where they have a fine feast. "The liquor drank between the dishes was also extraordinary good. After dinner they desir'd to see our hats, swords, tobacco-pipes and watches, which were carried out of the room" (History, III, 177).
Then two maps were brought in, one of which was without the names of the countries and places, otherwise well enough made, and in all likelihood copied after an European map. The other was a map of the whole world, of their own making, in an oval form, and mark'd with the Japanese Kattakanna characters. I took this opportunity to observe, after what manner they had represented the countries to the North of Japan, which I found to be as fol lows. Beyond Japan, opposite to the two great Northern Promon tories of the province Osju, was the Island Jesogasima (this we recall, from the text quoted earlier, is the land of Jeso/Yahoo people), and beyond that Island a country twice as big in proportion as China, divided into several provinces, reaching about one third of its bigness beyond the artick circle towards the pole, and run ning a good deal farther East than the Eastern coasts of Japan: it had a large gulf on the Eastern shore opposite to America, and was very near of a square figure. (History, III, 177-78)
If this great country is not the source for Swift's description of Brobdingnag, there could be no closer parallel both in size and location. Swift writes in Chapter Four of Part Two of Trave's: "The whole Extent of this Prince's Dominions reacheth about six thousand Miles in Length, and from three to five in Breadth. From whence I cannot but conclude, that our Geographers of Europe are in a great Error, by supposing nothing but Sea between Japan and California: For it was ever my Opinion, that there must be a Balance of Earth to counterpoise the great Continent of Tartary: and therefore they ought to correct their Maps and Charts, by joining this vast Tract of Land to the North-west Parts of America; wherein I shall be ready to lend them my Assistance" (GT, 111).
Another important parallel was noted as the primary point of Barroll's short essay: the episode in which the Emperor asks about "some Medicine to render people immortal." Barroll, quite rightly we think, links this to the Gulliver episode in Part Three telling of the immortal Struldbruggs, and to the reference that follows associating this with "Japanese Authors" who Gulliver says "may have given some Account of the Struldbruggs" (GT, 215). We would add that beyond the long portion of Kaempfer which Barroll quoted, the surgeon went on to record the outcome of his having volunteered a bogus "highsounded name" as the latest medicine he knew for "prolonging humane life, and preserving people in health to a great age" (History, III, 93). The sequence is rich with Gulliver-like posturing. "The next question was, who it was that found it out, and where it was found out?" Kaempfer keeps up his game of deception, and shows his sense of superiority again: "I answer'd Professor Sylvius in Holland. [The name of the medicine he had extemporized was "Sal volatile Oleosum Sylvii."] Then they ask'd, whether I could make it up? Upon this our Resident whisper'd me to say, No, but I answer'd, Yes, I could make it up, but not here. Then `twas ask'd, whether it could be had at Batavia? and having return'd in answer, that it was to be had there, the Emperor desir'd, that it should be sent over by the next ship" (History, III, 93).
The episode did not end there. Some months later, after the arrival of the small Dutch fleet in its annual trade mission to Japan, Kaempfer is obliged to note (with no word of embarrassment): "On the 22d of October, and some following days, all our ships were search'd, one after another, in presence of two Interpreters, for several things, as among the rest for Professor Silvius his Sal volatile oleosum, which had been demanded by the Emperor in our last audience, as an excellent Panacea of health and long Life" (History, III, 141). Kaempfer does not say that all this trouble came from his joke!
We find other similarities in experience and point of view in aspects of Kaempfer's travels. Hinting the kind of feeling the Houyhnhnms expressed towards Gulliver is another episode touching on the smell of the foreigner to Japanese of that period. Kaempfer records with sharp irony the position in which he found himself at one of the wayside inns where they stopped. Arriving in the evening, "We had another instance at this place, both of the affection and good manners of our chief Interpreter, who cried aloud to the Isje pilgrims, not to pollute themselves, and their holy undertaking, by approaching too near our unclean persons" (History, III, 161).
When we put all these parallels together -- and confess that there are doubtless many more to be discovered -- it seems to be no coincidence that Swift should give Gulliver in his Japan experience a role of Kaempfer-like Dutch surgeon. Gulliver says first, "I thought it necessary to disguise my Country, and call my self a Hollander; because my Intentions were for Japan, and I knew the Dutch were the only Europeans permitted to enter into that Kingdom" (GT, 203). Later, in leaving Japan, he "made up a Story as short and probable" as possible, to deceive the Dutch themselves, in order to secure passage back to Europe. "I had lived long in Holland, pursuing my Studies at Leyden (like Kaempfer], and I spoke Dutch well: . . . I was able to invent Names for my Parents, whom I pretended to be obscure People in the Province of Guelderland. I would have given the Captain. . . what he pleased to ask for my Voyage to Holland; but, understanding I was a Surgeon, he was contented to take half the usual Rate, on Condition that I would serve him in the Way of my Calling" (GT, 217).
It would seem fitting to conclude that, if Swift used Kaempfer's great book for inspiration as well as for a direct source of historical materials throughout, the final irony would be Gulliver's direct assumption of the mask of the History's "Dutch surgeon" author when taking leave of Japan.